By Gordon Martel
Invaluable compilation of essays masking the key occasions of the 20 th century. status out from this total outstanding physique of labor are the contributions at the undertones and motives of WW I (Martel's strong point) and 3 chapters on often-overlooked advancements resulting in WW II.
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Extra resources for A Companion to International History 1900–2001
During the Stalin years (1928–53), attention to geopolitics and security became equally important in his calculations, but ideology occasionally reared its ugly head as a morale booster. It invariably emboldened Stalin’s approach to the West, and in other times it helped the Soviet leader to underestimate the West’s determination to respond to the perceived Soviet threat. If Stalin was a complicated, ruthless, but immensely insecure dictator, Khrushchev in the 1950s tried to make some adjustments to the Soviet system which would make it more faithful to Marxism-Leninism.
240. 8 Oleg A. , War and Diplomacy: The Making of the Grand Alliance (Amsterdam: Hardwood Academic, 1996), doc. 70 (record of talks between Molotov and Roosevelt, May 29, 1942), pp. 177–8. 9 Rzheshevsky, War and Diplomacy, doc. 38 (Moscow to Molotov, May 24, 1942), p. 122. 10 See all the documents in Rzheshevsky, War and Diplomacy, pp. 163–261, but especially docs. 71, 72, 81, 83, 94, and 100. Italics added. Molotov Remembers, ed. Felix Chuev and Albert Resis (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1993), pp. 45–6.
8 France was another proud nation, but was in most Cold War years obsessed with the possible adversarial effects on its national security if a defeated Germany, once recovered, began to ﬂex its muscles in Europe. France believed that the wartime Big Three had divided up Europe in the absence of France, and was even more resentful at the domination of postwar Europe by the superpowers. ” 9 France wanted a Europe governed by Europeans and led by the French, and free of any single or combined hegemonic control either by the Soviet Union, Germany, or the United States.